Download Albanische Etymologien by Bardhyl Demiraj PDF

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By Bardhyl Demiraj

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In that event, it must be assumed that in Gmc the trimoric variant was extended to the i-stems, u-stems and consonantal stems. pl. pl. of OSax man ‘person’. 3 This dat. form is locative in origin, see Bammesberger (1990a: 126), if it is not borrowed from the a-stem dat. sg. 74, suggests the ending here is locative. 62 on the possible retention in early texts of the original dat. ending. 60 The phonological development of the forms cited above would result in a Pre-OE paradigm of the following type, except that the italicized forms are now replacements based on a-stem inflexional patterns, cf.

53 There are relatively few nouns which belong to this declension, but light stems like sinu include beadu ‘battle’, nearu ‘difficulty’, s7eadu (beside neut. pl. , cf. 27, although some of the apparently fem. 9n5. , where -w- has been analogically restored, cf. sg. pl. *stdm < *std-um. 72–3). Nouns of the same type include hrbow ‘penitence’, trbow ‘faith’. sg. like *clba ‘claw’, þrba ‘affliction’, with forms of the type claw-, þraw- in the other cases. sg. on the analogy of the inflected cases.

The -ere is reanalysed in OE as the agentive suffix discussed immediately above. But, conversely, mynster < Lat. monasterium, where no agentive function may be supposed, transferred to the a-stems. 2 Also to be included here are fli77e ‘flitch’, sty77e ‘piece’, where the geminate consonant is not due to WGmc gemination but is of earlier origin. 21 Certain processes of affixation are associated with ja-stems. Thus, there are two further suffixes in addition to -ere: -en(n) (< WGmc *-innja, *-unnja), and -et(t) (< PGmc *-atja, *-itja), both of which form mainly neut.

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